We Fight Censorship - Politics and Security https://www.wefightcensorship.org/themes/politics-and-securtiy en Iran: writing under a pseudonym to remain independent https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/iran-writing-under-pseudonym-remain-independent <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/iran-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Iran</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>The Iranian news website <em>Khabarnegaran.info</em> has just published an article by Nikki Azad entitled “Journalists who worship the government,” which criticizes the lack of neutrality of certain Iranian media since Hassan Rouhani became president. Nikki Azad is not the writer’s real name. <em>Khabarnegaran</em>’s journalists use pseudonyms in order to be able to speak their minds.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>Created in 2009, <em>Khabarnegaran</em> is an independent news site run by journalists based in Iran. It covers the day-to-day life of Iranian journalists and the constant harassment and abuses to which they are exposed, and is now one of the leading sources of information about journalism in Iran. The site’s staff agreed to use pseudonyms in order to be able to write freely and avoid additional harassment.<br /><br />“Journalists who worship the government” condemns the tendency of many journalists to idealize the new administration. It quotes journalists such Ali Asgar Rameznapour and Jilatous Banyaghoub, who accuse the Iranian media of being far too accommodating. Rameznapour was forced to flee abroad. After being jailed, Banyaghoub was banned from working as a journalist for 30 years.<br /><br />Iran is one of the world’s most authoritarian countries towards journalists and freedom of information. The regime uses censorship, surveillance and harassment to maintain its grip on the media and keep itself in power.<br /><br />The High Council for National Security and other regulatory authorities such as the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and the Tehran prosecutor’s office ban naming political dissidents, imprisoned journalists, or journalists who have fled the country. Without the anonymity that Khabarnegaran’s journalists use to protect themselves, they would not be able to publish an article mentioning the names of Rameznapour and Banyaghoub<br /><br />A total of 20 journalists and 22 netizens are currently imprisoned in Iran.</p> <h2>Journalists who became devotees of power institutions (Extracts)</h2> <p><a href="http://khabarnegaran.info/article.php3?id_article=2632">Translated by</a> : Mehrdad Safa</p> <blockquote> <p>A cursory glance at Iranian newspapers would simply reveal their policy.<br /><br />Reformist newspapers are filled with photos of the newly elected President and his cabinet, often accompanied by admiring reports and articles. The number of their critical articles is seen as almost nil. Newspapers affiliated with conservative parties are, on the other hand, filled with hateful, slanderous reports.<br /><br />What functions do journalists serve in the midst of changes in political power? Are they supposed to admire power institutions or incite hatred? Or to enlighten public opinion and closely monitor the functioning of governments?<br /><br />How closely do Iranian journalists adhere to journalism ethics and standards, especially in time of political power changes? Do they apply different self-made principles to certain periods? Should they, like other journalists around the world, adhere to certain well-established principles?<br /><br />We ask a few experienced Iranian journalists, both inside and outside Iran, about these issues.</p> <h3>Journalism must be free of infatuation, violence</h3> <p>Admiration and flattering have become so widespread in some reformist newspapers that has raised the objection of politicians and ordinary people to this trend. Conservative newspapers affiliated with the state, on the other hand, are now speaking in a more aggressive tone. “I am talking more specifically to journalists. A monotonous atmosphere prevails that doesn’t let us criticize Mr. Rouhani. Once again, we will be defeated because of idolization, mostly done by the media,” a Facebook user wrote in his page.<br /><br />“The main function of a journalist is to transfer information, and it should be faster, more detailed and more comprehensive than others,” says Reza Veysi, a Radio Farda reporter.<br /><br />“A journalist is not supposed to admire or incite hatred against those in power. It may be a practice of political propagandists, but certainly not of journalists,” he adds.<br /><br />Professional restraint as a way of countering flattering, hatred “Political changes have always been accompanied by changes in the tone of newspapers in Iran,” says Iranian journalist Ali Asghar Ramezanpour.<br /><br />“This is a part of journalism destiny in Iran. With President Rouhani coming to power, conservative dailies have adopted a sharper tone. Reformist newspapers have adopted a more outspoken tone. These changes, due to the innate manner of journalism in Iran, will come with two transformations: rhetoric and polemic arguments, and violent language,” Ramezanpour explains.<br /><br />“And the first evident case of these two features is the journalism of the Constitutional Revolution,” he adds.<br /><br />Ramezanpour believes that journalism is an inseparable part of the sociopolitical setting, and cannot be seen in exclusion.<br /><br />“We have to educate and inform Iranian journalists about their behavior, so that we can sway away from partial tone,” he says. “But let’s not forget that it is rather impossible to do this without enabling political parties and freedom of speech,” Ramezanpour stresses.<br /><br />“The Iranian journalists have learnt from history that an impartial journalism will bring out two undesired effects. One is that they cannot attract thrilled audience looking for openness. The other is that they will be excluded from team-makings of power institutions, which hide their political programs behind the media,” he explains.</p> <h3>Journalist’s monitoring of political power</h3> <p>“It’s been a while that I’ve been looking at the flattering tone of fellow journalists who admire government authorities and those in power. I wonder myself isn’t a journalism supposed to monitor those in power,” says Iranian journalist Jila Baniyaghoob, who has been imprisoned by government authorities and sentenced to a 30-year writing ban. “Some of my fellow journalists think that they have to always exclaim hurray for the president who they have voted for; that they have to always admire his behavior and works. They act like they’re the public relations practitioner of the President or one of his ministers,” she criticizes.<br /><br />“I wish to tell them it’s over. You voted him the President on the election day, and now you’re a journalist. People expect something different from you in the media,” she explains.<br /><br />Baniyaghoob criticizes her fellow journalists in Iran for their admiration of Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, who is rarely criticized in the media.<br /><br />“For example when UN human rights higher commissioner asked Zarif about the situation of human rights in Iran, he somehow questioned the Ahmad Shahid’s report on human rights in Iran,” she explains, “however, almost no one asked Mr. Zarif that is really Iran free of human rights violations.”</p> </blockquote> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/iran-ecrire-sous-pseudonyme-conserver-son-independance" title="Iran : écrire sous pseudonyme pour conserver son indépendance" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Wed, 11 Dec 2013 14:14:57 +0000 gregoire.pouget 187 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Online censorship: ban on reporting parallel exchange rates https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/online-censorship-ban-reporting-parallel-exchange-rates <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/venezuela-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Venezuela</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>The National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) issued a censorship order on 9 November for websites reporting parallel exchange rates. Administrative proceedings have also been initiated against Internet Service Providers allowing access to these websites. CONATEL chief Pedro Maldonado said 50 websites were concerned by the measure.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>In a 9 November televised address, President Nicolas Maduro announced that “through the Ministry of Science and Technology, we are protecting our country’s network and Internet, and we are taking the following websites off line: dolartoday.com, tucavidi.com, lechugaverde.biz, dolarparalelo.org and preciodolar.info…” These websites can no longer be accessed from within Venezuela, however they remain accessible from abroad.</p> <p>In line with this rhetoric, <a href="http://en.rsf.org/venezuela-government-likens-media-coverage-02-10-2013,45277.html">the government refers to media reports about the parallel dollar rate and the current shortages</a> as a “conspiracy” or a “plot” requiring appropriate reprisals. “The parallel dollar is a fictitious dollar, a fake dollar, created to foster the ongoing economic war,”the President said.</p> <p>This <a href="http://www.conatel.gob.ve/#http://www.conatel.gob.ve/index.php/principal/noticiacompleta?id_noticia=3320">major act of censorship</a> comes amid a grave economic crisis. The Venezuelan government sets a fixed exchange rate for the US dollar that has differed from the international market rate since 2003. The difference between the official rate and the parallel rate (the real rate) is now enormous.</p> <p>To justify the measure, the <a href="http://en.rsf.org/venezuela-freedom-of-expression-threatened-22-12-2010,39132.html">authorities are claiming that publishing parallel dollar exchange rates violates article 27 of the Radio, TV and Electronic Media Social Responsibility Law </a>RESORTEMEC.</p> <p>This article includes a ban on the dissemination of reports liable to “spread panic within the population or disturb public order.” It also holds<a href="http://www.conatel.gob.ve/#http://www.conatel.gob.ve/index.php/principal/noticiacompleta?id_noticia=3319"> Internet Service Providers responsible for the content on the websites they host</a>.</p> <p>CONATEL added that the law on illicit exchange rates bans currency transfers at rates different from the officially established ones. The <a href="http://espaciopublico.org/index.php/noticias/1-libertad-de-expresi/2769-2013-11-12-15-11-22">NGO Espacio Público</a> has pointed out the law does not prohibit mentioning the unofficial dollar rate, which is furthermore of public interest. While it is true that websites are reporting black-market dollar exchange rates, the publication of such information is not illegal, and the Venezuelan government is clearly applying censorship measures.</p> <p>Bellow is a screenshot of the exchange rate published by one of the censored websites.<br /><br /></p> <p><img alt="" class="media-image" height="357" width="680" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/lechugaverde680.png" /></p> <p><a href="http://www.lechugaverde.biz/">http://www.lechugaverde.biz/</a></p> <p>"Since the closure of all brokerage firms in Venezuela by the Bolivarian government in 2010, all foreign currency selling outlets outlets, and even information about foreign currency, have been banned. Persons or businesses using the unoficial exchange rate be punished with seven years in prison or more.</p> <p>Venezuela is ranked 117th out of 179 countries in the <a href="http://en.rsf.org/press-freedom-index-2013,1054.html">latest Reporters Without Borders press freedom index</a>.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_es first"><a href="/es/censored/censura-en-red-el-tipo-cambio-diferente-al-oficial-se-convierte-en-tabu" title="Censura en la Red: el tipo de cambio diferente al oficial se convierte en un tabú" class="translation-link">Español</a></li> <li class="translation_fr last"><a href="/fr/censored/censure-toile-au-venezuela-taux-changes-paralleles-frappes-tabou" title="Censure de la toile au Venezuela : les taux de changes parallèles frappés de tabou" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Fri, 15 Nov 2013 16:51:15 +0000 gregoire.pouget 172 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Wave of dismissals after Gezi Park protests https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/wave-dismissals-after-gezi-park-protests <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/turkey" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Turkey</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>The conservative Turkish daily <em>Sabah</em> fired well-known journalist Yavuz Baydar as its ombudsman on 23 July after refusing to print his last two commentaries. So Baydar, who held the position for many years, joined the long list of leading journalists to have been dismissed or forced to resign from prominent Turkish media. The liberal daily <em>Milliyet</em> fired its editor, Derya Sazak, five days later and then its well-known columnist, Can Dündar, two days after that.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>WeFightCensorship is posting the first of the two commentaries by Baydar that <em>Sabah</em> censored. Entitled “Dangers of swimming in turbulent waters,” it criticizes the way <a href="http://en.rsf.org/turkey-climate-of-hostility-towards-news-20-06-2013,44825.html">some Turkish media demonized the international media</a> for their coverage of the “Occupy Gezi” protests. It urges them to halt the attacks and calls for solidarity among journalists.<br /><br />The commentary was sent to <em>Sabah</em>’s editors on 24 June but, instead of publishing it, <em>Sabah</em> editor-in-chief Erdal Safak ran a scathing editorial about Baydar, who was very upset. He took several days off and wrote an op-ed piece blaming media owners for the self-censorship now widespread in Turkey. <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/21/opinion/sunday/in-turkey-media-bosses-are-undermining-democracy.html?pagewanted=all&amp;_r=0">The <em>New York Times</em> published it on 19 July</a>. When he went back to work at <em>Sabah</em>, he offered another commentary on relations between the ombudsman and the editor-in-chief. It too was never published.</p> <h2>Gezi Park highlights self-censorship</h2> <p>The demonstrations that began being held in Istanbul’s Gezi Park in late May to defend the park from the threat of demolition quickly grew into a national protest movement against the Erdogan government’s authoritarian tendencies. The protests were unprecedented in their scale and ability to transcend Turkish society’s deep rifts, and the authorities responded by criminalizing them and using force to disperse them.<br /><br />Sometimes attacked by demonstrators,<a href="http://en.rsf.org/turquie-mounting-police-violence-against-17-06-2013,44808.html"> reporters were also the victims of systematic violence and arrests by the police</a>. Outspoken journalists and social network users <a href="http://en.rsf.org/turkey-climate-of-hostility-towards-news-20-06-2013,44825.html">were branded as the Trojan horses of an international conspiracy to bring down the government</a>.<br /><br />The Turkish Union of Journalists (TGS) <a href="http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action;jsessionid=2016A93FD502EFF3A56B351673037BB0?newsId=321554&amp;columnistId=0">said that at least 22 journalists were fired during the protests and 37 were driven to resign</a>. Some journalists reported that their editors had censored articles. <br /><br />The Islamist daily <em>Yeni Safak</em>, for example, refused to publish an article by Isin Eliçin, entitled “External forces and Mehmet Ali Alabora,” in which she criticized the campaign of intimidation and disinformation that her newspaper had been waging since 10 June against Alabora, an actor who had expressed support for the demonstrators on Twitter. He was threatened after <em>Yeni Safak</em> portrayed him as one of the leaders of a “conspiracy designed to bring down the government.”<br /><br />Six journalists resigned together from +1, a new privately-owned TV station, on 11 July, accusing the owner of interfering in its editorial policies.<br /><br />Although exacerbated by the polarization resulting from the Gezi Park protests, this tendency is not new. There has been an increase in high-profile dismissals and resignations of leading journalists in recent years. The daily <em>Aksam</em>’s staff were “reined in” after a change of ownership in June 2013. <em>Milliyet</em> columnist Hasan Cemal was forced to resign in March over a controversial article on the Kurdish issue. Ahmet Altan had to resign from Taraf in December 2012. Aysenur Arslan was fired from <em>CNN Türk</em>, Andrew Finkel from <em>Today’s Zaman</em>, Banu Güven from <em>NTV</em>, Ece Temelkuran from<em> Haber Türk</em> and Mehmet Altan from <em>Star</em>. Some little-known journalists have meanwhile enjoyed meteoric promotions.<br /><br />Although politicized, the Turkish media have the merit of being very diverse. But that may not last much longer. There are no safeguards that prevent media owners from meddling in the editorial independence of their staff. The vulnerability of their staff is increased by the fact that most newspapers are nowadays owned by big holdings that are active in such sectors as construction, finance and telecommunications &shy;– sectors in which winning state contracts is crucial.<br /><br />As a result, it has become harder and harder over the years for Turkish business journalists to do in-depth investigative reporting. And to protect their business interests in the most profitable sectors, some media owners exercise all their influence to tone down their media’s criticism of the government.<br /><br />The scale of the growing self-censorship trend was seen when many leading Turkish media ignored the Gezi Park protests for the first few days. The fact that <em>CNN Türk</em> broadcast a wildlife programme at the height of the clashes in Taksim Square on 31 May drew so much comment that the photo of a penguin quickly came to symbolize media connivance with the government. Another 24-hour news channel, <em>NTV</em>, had to apologize to its viewers for failing in its duty to report the news.<br /><br />The contrast between the initial silence from leading Turkish media and the live coverage that the protests received from leading international TV broadcasters resulted in a big surge in the latter’s viewer ratings in Turkey. But it also elicited fierce hostility from government officials and pro-government media, which accused the international media of “disproportionate” and “biased” coverage.</p> <h2>Anti-foreign media hysteria</h2> <p>In speech after speech, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan <a href="http://www.yesilgazete.org/blog/2013/06/07/defiant-erdogan-returns-from-africa/">portrayed</a> the demonstrators as “vandals” and “fringe elements” acting at the behest of terrorist organizations and international speculators. <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/world/erdogan-vents-spleen-on-foreign-media-20130617-2oemh.html">He also targeted</a><em> CNN</em>, the <em>BBC</em> and <em>Reuters</em>. “You have been fabricating false information for days,” <a href="http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/police-lock-down-taksim-as-pm-erdogan-shows-off-in-istanbul.aspx?pageID=238&amp;nID=48921&amp;NewsCatID=338">he said at a meeting on 16 July</a>. “But you stand alone with your lies. This is not the nation whose image you have projected to the world.”<br /><br />Some of the Turkish media quickly followed the prime minister’s lead, accusing the international media of deliberately orchestrating a campaign of disinformation against Turkey with the aim of besmirching its image or even bringing the government down. The climate of mistrust was extreme and worse was to follow.<br /><br />The daily newspaper <em>Takvim</em> ran a fake interview with well-known <em>CNN</em> anchor Christiane Amanpour on its front-page on 18 June. Headlined “Dirty confession,” the bogus interview had Amanpour confess that <em>CNN</em> had slanted its coverage of Turkey’s protests “for money” and “under pressure from international lobbies.”<br />&nbsp;<br />Ten days later, Takvim went so far as to file a complaint against CNN and Amanpour, accusing them of denigrating state institutions and using their coverage of the protests and “false news” to stir up hatred within the population. At the same time, a hostile campaign launched by Ankara’s mayor on Twitter against <em>BBC</em> correspondent Selin Girit set media and social networks ablaze and Girit found herself accused of being a British spy.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_tr first"><a href="/tr/censored/gezi-sonrasi-isten-cikarma-dalgasi" title="“Gezi” sonrası işten çıkarma dalgası" class="translation-link">Türkçe</a></li> <li class="translation_fr last"><a href="/fr/censored/apres-gezi-nouvelle-vague-licenciements-journalistes-critiques" title="Après Gezi, nouvelle vague de licenciements de journalistes critiques " class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Tue, 13 Aug 2013 16:05:44 +0000 gregoire.pouget 160 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Zambia: offensive against independent news websites https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/zambia-offensive-against-independent-news-websites <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/zambia" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Zambia</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>During the 2011 presidential election campaign, Patriotic Front leader Michael Sata, the opposition challenger, promised to rid the Zambian media of government interference if elected. It was an attractive promise in a country with just three national dailies and little tradition of media pluralism. Nonetheless, the situation has not improved since Sata’s September 2011 election victory. On the contrary, the Zambian authorities are currently waging a witchhunt against journalists and dealing a series of blows to independent news reporting.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <h2 class="western" lang="en-GB">Website blocking and arrests</h2> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The old saying that “promises only mean something to those who believe them” has been well and truly confirmed in Zambia during the past two months. In June and July, the authorities blocked two news websites and arrested three journalists presumed to have been working for them or providing them with information.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">On 24 June, the government blocked access to <i><a href="http://zambianwatchdog.com">Zambian Watchdog</a></i>, an independent news website that is based abroad and is critical of the current government. Its technicians reacted immediately by moving the site to a new domain name (<a href="http://zwd.cums.in">http://zwd.cums.in</a>) and Reporters Without Borders created a <a href="http://en.rsf.org/rwb-mirror-censorship-04-09-2012,41825.html">mirror of the site</a>. Despite these measures, <i>Zambian Watchdog</i> is still inaccessible from within Zambia.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The authorities also arrested <a href="http://en.rsf.org/zambie-another-news-website-blocked-23-07-2013,44932.html">three of <i>Zambian Watchdog</i>’s presumed contributors</a>: Thomas Zyambo, Clayson Hamasaka and Wilson Pondamali.</p> <ul> <li>Hamasaka is charged with possessing obscene material.</li> <li>Zyambo was freed provisionally after 48 hours in detention. He is facing up to seven years in prison on charges of sedition and “possession of seditious material with intent to publish.”</li> <li>Pondamali is facing a possible two-year jail term on a charge of “unlawful possession of a restricted military pamphlet.”</li> </ul> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">It was the turn of another independent news website, <a href="http://zambiareports.com"><i>Zambia Reports</i></a>, to disappear from the Zambian Internet on 16 July. Its staff received no explanation for this latest act of censorship. The blocking of the site was all the more surprising because in March 2012 the site agreed to a request from a member of the government to remove an article despite being under no legal obligation to do so.</p> <h2 class="western" lang="en-GB">Rampant surveillance</h2> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">This recent wave of arrests and website censorship is the culmination of a new policy of intrusive surveillance in Zambia.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">In September 2012, the Zambia Information and Communication Technology Agency (ZICTA) announced that it was implementing a requirement under the 2009 Information and Communication Technologies Act for <a href="http://flavafm.co.zm/2012/08/30/zicta-commences-registration-of-sim-cards/">all mobile phone users to register with their operators</a>.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">Each client now had to provide their name, the numbers of their national registration card and driver’s license (for Zambian subscribers), or passport and work permit number (for non-Zambian subscribers), their postal address, their email address and their SIM serial number.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The agency said <a href="http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2012/11/30/zambia-sim-registration-is-for-security-reasons/">the sole aim was to combat criminality</a> but <i>Zambian Watchdog </i>insisted that “the secret service also known as Office of the President (OP)” was <a href="http://zwd.cums.in/zambians-boycott-sim-card-registration/">collecting all the data in order to identify government opponents</a>.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The new surveillance measures are not limited to mobile phones. The NGO Global Voices reported in February that the Zambian government was working with Chinese specialists to install a <a href="http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2013/02/23/zambia-chinese-experts-to-monitor-internet/">system of Internet surveillance and control</a>. It quoted an anonymous <i>Zambian Watchdog</i> source as saying:</p> <blockquote> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">They have already started their work (…) They have been visiting service providers so as to understand the topology of the network. For those who may not know, [this means] appreciating the network architecture, things like where the servers are so that they know [where] to install their interception devices.</p> </blockquote> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The blocking of <i>Zambia Reports</i> and <i>Zambian Watchdog</i> is clear evidence that the new control devices are now in place. One of the security experts in charge of <i>Zambian Watchdog</i>’s website hosting said it was obvious from the way the Zambian authorities responded to the attempts to bypass the blocking that <a href="https://ooni.torproject.org/zambia-a-country-under-deep-packet-inspection.html">they were using filtering methods based on Deep Packet Inspection</a>:</p> <blockquote> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">After twelve hours we could confirm that malicious traffic was not generated by the readers but was actively injected into the network when a reader was requesting content from the website <a href="http://www.zambianwatchdog.com">www.zambianwatchdog.com</a> and that this behaviour could only be explained by the presence of Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) equipment inside Zambia.</p> </blockquote> <h2 class="western" lang="en-GB">Blurring the lines between government and media</h2> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The surveillance measures have been accompanied by pressure on the mainstream media. Shortly after Sata was installed as president, a dozen journalists with <i>The Post Newspaper</i>, one of the national dailies, were offered government jobs and the pay to go with it. One of <i>The Post</i>’s journalists told <i>Zambia Reports</i>:</p> <blockquote> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">We are living in fear because we don’t know whether to continue debriefing our bosses who in return report us to our government sources. What we’ve now resorted to is self-censorship; we kill these stories the moment we realize they implicate government officials.</p> </blockquote> <h2 class="western" lang="en-GB">Posts</h2> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">We are posting two <i>Zambia Reports </i>articles that were published a year apart (<a href="#forbidden-content">available as PDF files</a>). The first is the most recent one. Entitled “<a href="http://zambiareports.com/2013/07/25/zambian-government-requested-to-stop-blocking-access-to-news-websites/">Zambia Requested to Stop Blocking Access to Websites</a>” and published on 25 July 2013, it is an open letter to the information ministry from <i>Zambia Reports </i>in response to the blocking of its website.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">It asks the ministry to explain the blocking. It calls for a National Assembly enquiry into online censorship. And it calls for the unblocking of <i>Zambia Reports </i>and all the other the other blocked sites. It also mentions Zambia’s use of Chinese help with installing an Internet surveillance system.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">We are posting it here so that the Zambian authorities can read it (because <i>Zambia Reports </i>is still blocked within Zambia) and so that they can resolve what is perhaps no more than a misunderstanding.</p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">The second article, entitled “<a href="http://zambiareports.com/2012/07/25/patriotic-front-heads-toward-confrontation-with-online-media/">Patriotic Front Heads Toward Confrontation with Online Media</a>” and published on 25 July 2012, describes the decline in freedom of information in Zambia. Correctly foreseeing what lay ahead, the author concluded:</p> <blockquote> <p class="western" lang="en-GB">Despite a very low Internet penetration rate of just ten per cent, there are many people who fear that the government is determined to silence these Internet publications, depriving opponents of the ruling party of a voice to communicate their positions.</p> </blockquote> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_tr first"><a href="/tr/censored/zambiya-bagimsiz-haber-siteleri-baski-altinda" title="Zambiya: Bağımsız haber siteleri baskı altında" class="translation-link">Türkçe</a></li> <li class="translation_fr last"><a href="/fr/censored/zambie-haro-sites-dinformation-independants" title="Zambie : haro sur les sites d’information indépendants" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Thu, 01 Aug 2013 08:49:26 +0000 gregoire.pouget 148 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Syria tightens grip on Internet https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/syria-tightens-grip-internet <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/syrie" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Syrie</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>Reporters Without Borders is publishing an analysis of the Syrian Internet network that was carried out on 22 May 2013. It shows that the Syrian authorities have installed more than 30 Blue Coat servers on their network. These servers are dedicated to intercepting communications and data circulating on the Internet.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p lang="en-US"><a href="http://surveillance.rsf.org/blue-coat/">Blue Coat</a> is a US company specializing in interception software and hardware. Their products are based on technology that analyses the content of network packets. Called <a href="http://surveillance.rsf.org/lexique/#dpi"><em>Deep Packet Inspection</em></a>, the technology is used by many Internet Service providers to regulate network traffic. But it can also be used to analyse the browsing activities of individual Internet users, including their Twitter, YouTube and Facebook activities, and the content of their emails.</p> <p lang="en-GB">Carried out by the Telecomix hactivist group, this network analysis has revealed the existence of <b>34 </b>new Blue Coat servers in Syria. Each server is identified by:</p> <ul> <li>an IP address: Nmap scan report for <b>188.160.1.189</b></li> <li>the ports on which the servers are connected, in this case <b>port 80</b>, assigned to web traffic (http)</li> <li>the server name, in this case <b>Blue Coat proxy server </b>or <b>Blue Coat PacketShaper 3500 firewall</b></li> </ul> <p lang="en-US">In 2012, Telecomix already revealed the presence <a href="http://surveillance.rsf.org/syrie/">15 Blue Coat servers on the Syrian Internet network</a>.</p> <p lang="en-GB">Its latest report shows not only that Syria continues to acquire monitoring and interception equipment – the Syrian Internet shutdown on 7 May was probably used to install the new surveillance infrastructure – but also that Western companies continue to provide authoritarian regimes with dual-use technology.</p> <p lang="en-US">On 12 March 2013, World Day Against Cyber-Censorship, Reporters Without Borders classified Blue Coat as one of the private-sector companies that are <i><a href="http://surveillance.rsf.org/category/societes-ennemis-internet/">“Enemies of the Internet</a>.”</i></p> <pre>Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.52 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.54 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.60 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.62 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.161 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.162 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.163 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.164 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.165 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.166 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.167 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.168 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.169 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.170 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.172 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.173 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.174 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.175 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.184 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.185 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.186 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.187 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.188 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.189 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 188.160.1.190 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for inet-ip-243.inet.sy (91.144.8.243) Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http-proxy thttpd (Blue Coat PacketShaper 3500 firewall) -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.16 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.17 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.18 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.19 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.20 Host is up (0.15s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.21 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.22 Host is up (0.16s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server -- Nmap scan report for 82.137.217.23 Host is up (0.17s latency). PORT STATE SERVICE VERSION 80/tcp open http Blue Coat proxy server</pre> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/reseau-internet-syrien-sous-surveillance" title="Le réseau internet syrien sous surveillance" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Thu, 23 May 2013 10:52:10 +0000 gestion-abri 129 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Brazil: Fábio Pannunzio’s blog – from censorship to shutdown https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/brazil-fabio-pannunzios-blog-censorship-shutdown <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/brazil" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Brazil</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>The journalist Fábio Pannunzio announced the death of his blog, O Blog do Pannunzio, on 26 September 2012. By shutting down his online showcase on his own initiative amid harassment by the courts, he took judicial censorship to its logical conclusion.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>It continues to be risky for a Brazilian journalist or blogger to tackle sensitive stories such as corruption, drug trafficking or police abuses. A reporter and presenter on the national TV station Bandeirantes, Pannunzio specializes in public security issues and he did not hesitate to report alleged abuses by the São Paulo civilian and military police either on the air or on his <a href="http://www.pannunzio.com.br/archives/14392">blog</a>, which he began in 2009.</p> <p>Sued only once in connection with his TV work, he was sued eight times as a blogger. On 5 September 2012, he was subjected to so-called “<strong>preventive</strong>” censorship, <strong>under which a single judge</strong>, before examination of the substance of the case, can order a blog or news outlet to remove information even though it is available through other outlets.</p> <p>Pannunzio had already angered the São Paulo authorities in February 2012 when he <a href="http://www.pannunzio.com.br/archives/7718">posted a report, accompanied by a video</a>, about the humiliating treatment of a young female civilian police officer by male colleagues. Suspected of stealing money and hiding it on her person, she was subjected to a body search in public despite demanding her right to be searched in private by a female police officer.</p> <p>In an article posted on 17 June 2012, Pannunzio accused São Paulo state public security secretary Antônio Ferreira Pinto of covering up serious human rights violations by the São Paulo military police, especially during operations to “pacify” favelas. He cited the case of a man allegedly executed by police officers simply because he was suspected of being a member of Primeiro Comando da Capital (an urban guerrilla group formed in the city of São Paulo during the military dictatorship that evolved into a criminal organization after democracy was restored in 1985).</p> <p>Pannunzio’s article accused Ferreira Pinto not only of covering up this case but also of turning a blind eye to the creation of “militias” within that police that operate as uncontrolled death squads responsible for human rights violations as grave as those by criminal gangs. He also cited death threats against several journalists including himself that are thought to have been made by corrupt members of the civilian police.</p> <p>The article was headlined “Geraldo Alckmin’s inaction on public security barbarity” because it blamed the situation on São Paulo state governor Geraldo Alckmin, Lula’s unsuccessful rival in the 2006 presidential race. Noting that Alckmin had failed to explain why he removed 32 police and soldiers assigned to protecting the governor’s palace, Pannunzio reported that they were said to have been spying on him.</p> <p>Ferreira Pinto responded to the article by bringing both civil and criminal defamation proceedings against Pannunzio. <strong>Just three months after the article was posted</strong>, São Paulo civil court judge Jacira Jacinto ordered its removal from O Blog do Pannunzio <strong>before any court decision</strong> on its defamatory nature, and said failure to comply or any republication or reposting of the article would be subject to a fine of 80,000 réais (40,000 dollars).</p> <p>As the court order was disproportionate and was issued without hearing defence arguments and without examining the substance of the article, Reporters Without Borders has decided to publish both the article and <a href="#forbidden-content">the order</a>. Reporters Without Borders takes no position on the substance of the lawsuit against Pannunzio, but condemns this form of judicial censorship, which is widely used in Brazil and imposes grave constraints on the free flow of information.</p> <blockquote> <h2>Geraldo Alckmin’s inaction on public security barbarity</h2> <p>It’s not just strange, it’s incomprehensible that Governor Geraldo Alckmin has not yet fired his public security secretary, Antônio Ferreira Pinto, both because of the barbarity that has taken hold within the military police under his command and because of the authoritarian, undemocratic and illegal methods he has been using until now.</p> <p>By his explicit support for use of excessive violence, his actions deliberately designed to excuse police officers accused of the most serious crimes and his inaction in the face of the creation of militias by military police officers, Mr. Ferreira Pinto is exposing the entire state’s population to the ferocity of the criminal organization known as the Primeiro Comando de la Capital (PCC) as well as uniformed bandits protected by the Military Police. The dramatic rise in the (supposedly manipulated) crime figures is there for all to gauge the scale of the prevailing chaos.</p> <p>Anyone daring to oppose this Napoléon of [the central São Paulo district of] Higienópolis should beware! Journalists are routinely exposed to all kinds of threats and constraints. Two Rede Record reporters are currently under threat of being killed by the rotten sector of the Civilian Police. A police chief has been punished for refusing to search the homes of four journalists, including the publisher of this blog. It’s also no secret to anyone that Ferreira Pinto makes ample use of the press to conspire against the governor’s place, as the sociologist Túlio Khan’s resignation showed.</p> <p>He has now assailed the prosecutor’s office, whose job it is to supervise the police that he commands with an iron hand. The aim of the attack, made during an interview on Rádio Jovem Pan, was to denigrate the only institution that is not afraid to stand up to him. It was done to discredit the careful work carried out by the prosecutor’s office after the police attempt to clean up the district of Cracolândia, a disastrous operation that consumed fabulous sums of taxpayers’ money and set figures for drug seizures and treatment of addicts back to zero.</p> <p>Similarly, Mr. Ferreira Pinto has clearly tried to obstruct the investigation into the cowardly execution of a man suspected of being a PCC member, a case known as the Barracuda Bar Murder. The man was taken in a Military Police ROTA Battalion vehicle to a vacant lot by the Ayrton Senna freeway, where he was beaten and then killed in cold blood. Ferreira Pinto showed up at the Civilian Police Homicide Department, which is in charge of the case, and gave explicit orders to obstruct the department of prosecutions’ access to the investigation as much as possible. A confidentiality order has also strangely been imposed on the investigation, depriving the public of inside information about a public security matter.</p> <p>Governor Geraldo Alckmin is fully aware of all of this. About a month ago, he had to replace 32 policemen who were responsible for his safety at the governor’s palace. The reasons for the replacement of these police officers and Military Police soldiers are still not known but, behind the scenes, it is said that they were part of a network spying on the movements of the governor and his family within the residential wing of the palace.</p> <p>Give all of this, society must hold the governor to account for everything that is happening – from the increase in the figures for the most barbaric crimes to the emergence of new forms of criminal activity including collective robberies of buildings and restaurants, which are forcing the public to shut themselves inside their homes while the robbers take over the streets.</p> </blockquote> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/bresil-blog-fabio-pannunzio-censure-fermeture" title="Brésil : Le blog de Fábio Pannunzio, de la censure à la fermeture" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Fri, 15 Mar 2013 09:20:32 +0000 gestion-abri 95 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org The “New Year’s Greetings” incident https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/new-years-greetings-incident <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/china" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">China</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>Was it just a bump in the road or was it a turning point in the history of censorship in China? The future will tell, but the journalists at the Guangzhou-based weekly Nanfang Zhoumo (南方周末) have clearly waged a heroic battle against the authorities’ attempts to silence them.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>A courageous New Year editorial calling for constitutional reforms in China was to have been published on their magazine’s front page on 3 January but a zealous Propaganda Department official decided to censor it and replace with something he wrote.</p> <p>Free speech defenders have been protesting on online social networks ever since. Tens of thousands of messages of support have been posted on the micro-blogging site Weibo by journalists and anonymous citizens. And if speech is in the process of freeing itself in the Middle Kingdom, what will become of the Communist Party’s propaganda and cant?</p> <p>WeFightCensorship is posting the uncensored versions of the Nanfang Zhoumo editorial.</p> <p>This is how it all began. Every New Year, the leading political newspapers publish a political editorial in the form of New Year’s greetings to their readers. Nanfang Zhoumo invited one of its most senior journalists, Dai Zhiyong (戴志勇), to draft this year’s message.</p> <p>Zhiyong drafted an editorial entitled “The Chinese dream, the dream of constitutionalism” (中国梦, 宪政梦), calling for the protection of civil rights and for checks on the authorities in China. After discussion with the rest of the staff and the local propaganda office, the editorial was changed. It still called for respect for civil rights but the headline was changed to “Dreams are the promises of what should be done” (梦想是我们对应然之事的承诺).</p> <p>A third version was nonetheless published in the 3 January issue. Tuo Zhen (庹震), the head of propaganda in the Guandong region, the region where Nanfang Zhoumo is published, rewrote the second version without telling the newspaper’s journalists, who discovered the new version at the same time as their readers. It removed all the critical content, added an introductory paragraph and retitled it “Let’s pursue our dream” (追梦).</p> <p>Censorship is not new in China but the method used in what is now known as the “New Year’s Greetings” incident is unprecedented. It was the first time that a propaganda official took it upon himself to change an article without telling the newspaper concerned.</p> <p>Given the enormity of the affair, reactions came thick and fast. Already on 3 January, people were posting the various versions of the editorial on Weibo, pointing out the differences between the original version and the modified one.</p> <p>The authorities reacted by trying to delete all <a href="http://www.weibo.com/login.php?url=http%3A%2F%2Fweibo.com%2F1252278122%2FzcJCt27kN">messages</a> mentioning the New Year’s Greetings affair but it was already out in the open and more and more messages of support were being posted online.</p> <p>On 4 January, a group of journalists who used to work for the weekly posted <a href="http://cmp.hku.hk/2013/01/04/30311/">an open letter</a> online describing Tuo Zhen as a “bureaucratic tyrant” who stifled the vitality of the Chinese media. On 6 January, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-20911823">a second open letter</a> signed by some of Nanfang Zhoumo’s journalists called for Tuo Zhen’s resignation. In a desperate attempt to end the controversy, Nanfang Zhoumo publisher Huang Can posted a message on <a href="http://www.weibo.com/infzm">the weekly’s official Weibo account</a> claiming that the editorial had not been doctored by propaganda officials.</p> <blockquote>致读者:本报1月3日新年特刊所刊发的新年献词,系本报编辑配合专题“追梦”撰写,特刊封面导言系本报一负责人草拟,网上有关传言不实。由于时间仓促,工作疏忽,文中存在差错,我们就此向广大读者致歉</blockquote> <p>Far from defusing tempers, his micro-blog post just added fuel to the flames, and the <a href="http://cmp.hku.hk/2013/01/08/30467/">messages in support of the newspaper’s journalists</a> became even more numerous.</p> <p>According to the Tea Leaf Nation website:</p> <ul> <li>The University of Sun Yat Sen posted an <a href="http://cmp.hku.hk/2013/01/06/30375/">open letter</a> on 6 January.</li> <li>The blogger Han Han <a href="http://topics.wsj.com/person/h/han-han/7133">condemned</a> the pressure that Chinese writers have to endure.</li> <li>The actress Yao Chen, a social network star, posted the Nanfang Zhoumo logo on her account together with the Solzhenitsyn quote: “A word of truth weighs more than the entire world.”</li> <li>The blogger <a href="http://www.tealeafnation.com/2013/01/online-and-off-social-media-users-go-to-war-for-freedom-of-press-in-china/">Li Chengpeng wrote</a>: “We don’t need big buildings, we need a newspaper that tells the truth. We don’t need a fleet of aircraft carriers, we need a newspaper that tells the truth.”</li> </ul> <p>According to estimates on Weibo, 29 activists have been interrogated by the police for expressing their support for Nanfang Zhoumo and some are still detained.</p> <p>We are posting translations of passages from the first two versions of the editorial together with the complete text of the first two versions in the original Chinese. Please <a href="contact">contact us</a> if you are willing to translate the editorials below in English.</p> <h2>The Chinese dream, the dream of constitutionalism (passage from the first version of the editorial)</h2> <blockquote> <p>Only if constitutionalism is realized and power effectively checked can citizens voice their criticisms of power loudly and confidently, and only then can every person believe in their hearts that they are free to live their own lives. Only then can we build a truly free and strong nation. . .</p> </blockquote> <p><img alt="The Chinese dream, the dream of constitutionalism" class="media-image" height="2641" title="The Chinese dream, the dream of constitutionalism" width="435" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/edito-v1.jpg" /></p> <p>Source: <a href="http://cmp.hku.hk/2013/01/03/30247/">China Media Project</a></p> <h2>Dreams are the promises of what should be done (passage from the second version of the editorial)</h2> <blockquote> <p>We hope that our Constitution cuts its teeth, that our Constitution can be realized [in practice] someday soon. This is the only way this ancient nation of ours can complete is arduous transition; this is the only way our nation and its people can stand strong once again on firm ground. We have already today a China where one can dream. And this is an age already in which dreams can be grasped.</p> <p>We passed through the nightmare of the Cultural Revolution, and we have spent more than 30 years gradually returning to reason and sense . . .</p> <p>We came anew to a realization of what is real, what is deception, seeing right as right and wrong as wrong. Our love of justice was rekindled. . .</p> <p>More than 170 years ago, we began our gradual awakening from the lunacy of [feudal] imperial rule. We faced defeat, first at the hands of Britain, then at the hands of Japan . . . With the Xinhai Revolution the rule of the Qing fell, and our forebears built Asia’s first republic. But a free, democratic and prosperous China under constitutional rule never followed. Instead, wars raged inside and outside our country; cruelty and suffering came unceasing. . .</p> <p>Today, we dream not only of material prosperity, but even more of spiritual abundance; we dream not only that our country can be strong, but even more that the people of our country can enjoy dignity. . .</p> <p>Only if constitutionalism is realized and [civil] rights preserved can the hearts of the people gleam like the sun and moon. . . Only then can the “urban police” (城管) joke cheerfully with small-time peddlers. Only then can our own homes truly become our castles . . .</p> <p>Only if constitutionalism is realized and power effectively checked can citizens voice their criticisms of power loudly and confidently, and only then can every person believe in their hearts that they are free to live their own lives. Only then can we build a truly free and strong nation. . .</p> </blockquote> <p><img alt="Dreams are the promises of what should be done" class="media-image" height="1331" title="Dreams are the promises of what should be done" width="435" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/edito-v2.jpg" /></p> <p>Source: <a href="http://cmp.hku.hk/2013/01/03/30247/">China Media Project</a></p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/chine-lincident-voeux-du-nouvel" title="Chine : l’incident des voeux du nouvel an" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Thu, 10 Jan 2013 18:46:00 +0000 gestion-abri 90 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org India cannot stand media neutrality on Kashmir border disputes https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/india-cannot-stand-media-neutrality-kashmir-border-disputes <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/india" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">India</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>In May 2011, the Indian customs forced The Economist to doctor 28,000 copies of its 21 May issue before permitting their distribution.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>The problem was a cover story about the border dispute between India and Pakistan in Kashmir, one of the world’s most militarized regions. The report included a map showing the territory claimed by either side without taking a position on their territorial claims. The Indian authorities nonetheless insisted on a white sticker being placed over the map in each copy sold in India, depriving the country’s readers of a factual analysis of the border dispute.</p> <p><img alt="L&#039;article de The Economist censuré avec du sparadrap" class="media-image" height="260" title="L&#039;article de The Economist censuré avec du sparadrap" width="194" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/images.jpg" /></p> <p>Ever since the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 and the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Kashmir’s border have been both a cause and symptom of the tension between India and its Pakistani and Chinese neighbours. Ever since the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 and the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Kashmir’s border have been both a cause and symptom of the tension between India and its Pakistani and Chinese neighbours.</p> <p>The Indian government often uses a 1961 law amending the criminal code’s national security provisions in order to censor maps showing Kashmir’s disputed border. It has usually settled for putting a “not recognized by India” sticker on the maps, but in recent years it has toughened its information control policies, going so far as to block the import and distribution of copies of the Financial Times and The Economist in December 2010 because they contained maps of Asia that were “not consistent” with the government’s position.</p> <p>"We Fight Censorship" is reprinting the censored map with the kind permission of <em><a href="http://www.economist.com">The Economist</a></em>.</p> <p><img alt="Carte des fronitères entre l&#039;Inde et le Pakistan" class="media-image" height="705" title="Carte des fronitères entre l&#039;Inde et le Pakistan" width="680" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/20110521_bbm960_kashmir.jpg" /></p> <p>Anticipating the censorship of the regional map in its 21 May 2011 issue, The Economist added a box entitled “Missing map?” at the end of report. The box said:</p> <blockquote> <p>Sadly India censors maps that show the current effective border, insisting instead that only its full territorial claims be shown. It is more intolerant on this issue than either China or Pakistan. Indian readers will probably be deprived of the map on the second page of this special report. Unlike their government, we think our Indian readers can face political reality. Those who want to see an accurate depiction of the various territorial claims can do so using our interactive map at <a href="http://www.economist.com/asianborders">Economist.com/asianborders</a></p> </blockquote> <p>Territorial disputes continue to be a highly sensitive subject for India’s government. When the Chinese foreign ministry issued new passports in November 2012 with a map of China on pages 8 and 46 showing territory claimed by Vietnam, Taiwan, Philippines and India as Chinese, all of these countries protested but India was the only one to respond by producing new visas for Chinese citizens with a map of India that showed its version of the Sino-Indian border dispute.<br /><br /></p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/quand-linde-ne-supporte-pas-neutralite-medias-cachemire" title="Quand l&#039;Inde ne supporte pas la neutralité des médias sur le Cachemire" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Fri, 28 Dec 2012 15:14:52 +0000 gestion-abri 83 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Morocco bans saying “close friend of the king” https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/morocco-bans-saying-close-friend-king <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/morocco" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Morocco</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even">The Moroccan government withdrew its accreditation from Omar Brouksy, one of Agence France-Presse’s journalists in Rabat, on 4 October 2012. Issued by the communication ministry, this accreditation is what allows professional journalists to work in Morocco.</div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>Why was it withdrawn? Because of <a href="sites/default/files/medias/documents/afp_maroc_4oct_en.txt">an AFP report</a> on partial elections in Tangiers that was headlined <cite title="title">A crucial test for PJD leaves Moroccans indifferent The elections were organized after the Constitutional Council invalidated the previous elections in three Tangiers-Asilah seats and one Gueliz-Annakhil seat. </cite>The offending dispatch mentioned the PJD and the other parties participating in the elections, including the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) and its founder Fouad Ali El Himma, who was described as a <q>friend of the king.</q></p><p>The government withdrew Brouksy’s accreditation on the same day as his dispatch. Brouksy learned of the decision from a dispatch published by the Moroccan press agency MAP. Headlined <cite title="titre">Government withdraws AFP journalist’s accreditation because of unprofessional dispatch</cite>, it quoted a government communiqué:</p><blockquote><p>The AFP dispatch carried allegations implicating the monarchy in an election that took place in an atmosphere of transparency, thereby undermining the monarchy’s position of neutrality and its role as arbiter keeping a distance from all electoral competitions between political parties.</p></blockquote><p>The story does not end there. The next day AFP news director Philippe Massonet voiced his support for Brouksy. An <a href="sites/default/files/medias/documents/afp_maroc_5oct_en.txt">AFP dispatch</a> headlined <cite title="titre">Moroccan authorities withdraw AFP reporter’s accreditation</cite> quoted Massonet as saying:</p><blockquote><p>The offending report’s sole aim was to inform and put a situation in context, with no intention of causing prejudice to anyone at all. The AFP bureau in Rabat continued to enjoy the full confidence of the news agency’s management, Massonet added.</p></blockquote><p>But Brouksy still has no accreditation.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/proche-du-roi-expression-interdite-au-maroc" title="&quot;Proche du roi&quot;, une expression interdite au Maroc" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Thu, 29 Nov 2012 10:04:07 +0000 gestion-abri 75 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Human rights defender, enemy of the state https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/human-rights-defender-enemy-state <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/vietnam-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Vietnam</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even">In Vietnam, all it takes to be defined as an enemy of the government is to raise human rights issues or speak out about politics. Espousing an alternative to the Communist Party’s social vision is to stand against the state. Those who defend freedom risk losing it.</div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>In an article of 10 March of last year, blogger Paul Le Van Son analyzed the term “propaganda against the state,” which the authorities systematically deploy against critics. He published this courageous piece on <a href="http://paulusleson.wordpress.com">his blog</a>, denouncing the use of Article 88 of the penal code against Vietnamese citizens who call for reforms. The families of these critics often have devoted their lives to the Communist Party. He concluded that instead of rejecting the criticism, the government should take it to heart: “On reflection, those whom the autorities accuse of opposing the regime are instead trying their best to contribute to improving conditions and to building a stronger state.”</p><p>That piece, among others, led to Van Son’s arrest and imprisonment. He has spent more than one year behind bars, though he has not been sentenced. He is the target of exactly the kind of charges that he denounced in the article, though formally speaking he was not charged under article 88. According to the provisional detention order, the only legal document we have seen because his lawyer has no access to his file, he was charged under Article 79, specifically with “membership in the reactionary organization, ‘Reform Party of Vietnam,’ which aims to overthrow the people’s government.”</p><p>In all, 18 netizens are presently imprisoned for having tried to provide information to their fellow citizens, according to Reporters Without Borders. No trial date has been scheduled. Van Son’s article, which represents a point of view common to many local bloggers of pacifist orientation, is blocked by some internet service providers in Vietnam.</p><h2>A young Catholic blogger is scapegoated</h2><p>Paulus Le Van Son, 27 years old, covers social and political issues in his country, especially those involving religion and human rights. He participates in the collective blog <a href="http://baokhongle.wordpress.com/">Baokhongle</a>&nbsp;and contributes to <a href="http://www.chuacuuthe.com/">Vietnam Redemptorist News</a>.&nbsp;His accounts of anti-Chinese demonstrations and police violence apparently contributed to his 3 August 2011 arrest in Hanoi, which amounted to a police kidnapping.</p><p><img alt="" class="media-image" height="510" width="680" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/paulus-arrestation2.jpg" /></p><p>The day before, the blogger had attended the trial of another netizen, lawyer Cu Huy Ha Vu. Van Son had covered the first session of the trial the previous April. He was violently arrested on that occasion. In the article below/attached, he writes of his visit to the lawyer’s family and the reprisals against them.</p><p>Recently, prison conditions for Van Son have deteriorated. Held since early July of this year in the B14 prison in Hanoi, he was then transfered to the run-down Hoa Lo prison, in the city center, where prisoners face greater hardships than in B14.</p><h2>Dragged through the mud</h2><p>Meanwhile, Van Son is the target of a systematic defamation campaign in the official press. He is accused, along with <a href="http://lenguyenhong.blogspot.com/2012/10/lua-viet-tan-van-chay.html">other</a> <a href="http://thanhnienconggiao.blogspot.fr/2012/10/vai-dong-nghi-voi-khi-nhan-uoc-tin.html">young</a> <a href="http://nguoibuongio1972.multiply.com/journal/item/548/548">Catholics</a>, of plotting against the regime.&nbsp;</p><p>An article on 13 October 2012 in “Cong An,” an official security service publication in Ho Chi Minh City, describes a so-called plot involving young Catholics from Nghe An and Thanh Hoa provinces, who had been arrested in July 2011. According to the publication, the large-scale plot had been fomented with help from abroad. Numerous fictitious details concerning the group’s members were provided.</p><p>One passage focused on Van Son. In translation, it reads:</p><blockquote><p>Le Van Son, a native of Thanh Hoa, is in close contact with a group of opponents of the State such as Le Quoc Quan and a number of religious extremists. In this regard, Son constantly gathers information concerning various complaints involving security forces’ fight against oppositionists, and of various problems that prompt discontent and are considered sensitive. This information-gathering was conducted to aid propaganda efforts against the Vietnamese government. As a member of the group, “Republican entrepreneurs and intellectuals,” led by Le Qyoc Quan, Son participated in training sessions for Catholic information work. On 12-13 July 2011 he traveled to Thailand to participate in a training program entitled “Quang Trung.” Following his arrest, he has displayed rebellious conduct, distorting information in his responses and denying his crimes.</p></blockquote><p>In an article posted on the Thanh Nien Con Giao website, journalist-blogger Jean-Baptiste Nguyen Hu Vinh republishes the passage above, along with his comments. He notes in particular that the group to which Van Son belonged was not “Republican businessmen and intellectuals,” but “Catholic entrepreneurs and intellectuals,” a group launched by Cardinal Tung, archbishop of Hanoi, to encourage the social advancement of Catholics, that resumed activities within the past two years.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/au-vietnam-bloguer-peut-nuire-gravement-votre-liberte" title="Au Vietnam, bloguer peut nuire gravement à votre liberté" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Sat, 24 Nov 2012 11:20:07 +0000 gestion-abri 74 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Nékim case – a three-part story of censorship in Chad https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/nekim-case-three-part-story-censorship-chad <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/chad" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Chad</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>Jean-Claude Nékim is the publisher of N'Djaména Bi-hebdo, Chad’s oldest opposition newspaper.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>He was fined 1 million CFA francs (1,500 euros) and given a one-year suspended jail sentence on a libel charge on 18 September 2012 for publishing a brief in his 6-9 September issue about a petition against “misgovernance” and “the Deby government’s arbitrary rule.” The petition’s authors, the president, vice-president and general secretary of the Federation of Chad Unions (UST), were also sentenced to suspended jail terms and fines.</p><p><img alt="" class="media-image" height="357" width="513" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/breve_ndjamena_unique.jpg" /></p><p>Although there were absolutely no grounds for a defamation prosecution, the Chadian judicial system rounded off the first stage of its persecution of N'Djaména Bi-hebdo by suspending the newspaper for three months. Other news media that had reported the existence of the petition were meanwhile left in peace.<br /><br />Nékim immediately appealed against the three-month suspension order and continued to publish pending the outcome of his appeal, as permitted under Chadian law. On 20 September, he published a cartoon about his trial on the front page but the justice system did not appreciate his sense of humour and responded by banning the newspaper and charging him with contempt of court.</p><p><img alt="" class="media-image" height="842" width="595" typeof="foaf:Image" src="sites/default/files/ndjh_caricature_20092012.jpg" /><br />To protest against this judicial censorship, all of Chad’s independent and opposition print media suspended publication for a week and prepared a special single-issue “Newspaper of Newspapers” in support of Nékim with “We’ve had enough” as its title and a print run of 5,000 copies.<br /><br />The entire issue was seized from the printing press on the orders of the public prosecutor, who – after some hesitation – said he had taken this action because it lacked the High Council for Communication’s permission and the certificate normally issued by the prosecutor’s office for this kind of publication.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/censure-en-trois-actes-au-tchad-laffaire-nekim" title="Censure en trois actes au Tchad : l’affaire Nékim " class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Sat, 24 Nov 2012 07:59:26 +0000 gestion-abri 73 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org First battle in “Information 2.0” war https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/first-battle-information-20-war <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/turkmenistan-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Turkmenistan</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>Turkmenistan is renowned as one of the world’s most repressive and closed countries but, in the summer of 2011, ordinary citizens risked imprisonment to inform the world about a deadly explosion at an arms depot near the capital, delivering the country’s first battle in the “Information 2.0” war.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>In the late afternoon of 7 July 2011, a huge explosion shook a military depot in Abadan, a town 20 km outside Ashgabat, starting a fire that triggered even more violent explosions in the hours that followed. </p><p>The media, which are tightly controlled by the authorities, said nothing until the foreign ministry issued a terse communiqué the next day claiming that hot weather had caused “pyrotechnic material … intended for fireworks” to catch fire. There were “no victims or major destruction” and the population was receiving all the necessary medical and social assistance, the <a href="http://easttime.info/news/turkmenistan/fireworks-explode-near-turkmen-town-abadan-foreign-ministry">reassuring communiqué</a> added.</p><p>Nonetheless, the town was surrounded, no one was allowed in, and the Internet was disconnected throughout the country. Alarming reports had already begun to circulate on independent news websites based abroad (such as Radio Azatlyk, Khroniki Turkmenistana and Fergananews) and in the Russian media.</p><p>Eye-witness accounts described scenes of chaos and panic, homes flattened and dozens or even hundreds of dead and wounded. Amateur videos quickly confirmed the scale of the disaster and extent of the damage. They showed massive explosions, buildings destroyed and military projectiles raining down on areas kilometres away.</p><p>While <a href="http://www.turkmenembassy.ru/?q=node/243">accusing the Russian media of “disinformation” and “provocation</a>,” the authorities finally said that “the pyrotechnic material fire extended to military depots” and that “15 people died in the accident – 16 soldiers and two civilians.” </p><p>At the same time, a crackdown was launched on bloggers, journalists and netizens. Some were arrested. Others were interrogated by the security services. The mobiles phones of residents in surrounding areas were examined. And there were cyber-attacks on independent news websites, access to which was already blocked in Turkmenistan.</p><p>One of the first journalists to cover the disaster, Dovletmyrat Yazkuliyev, a reporter for Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty’s Turkmen service, was sentenced to five years in prison on a trumped-up charge at the end of a sham trial but was released a few weeks later thanks to international pressure.</p><p>Under a 2012 presidential decree, <a href="http://www.turkmenistan.ru/ru/articles/37359.html">Abadan is to be moved</a> and entirely rebuilt nearer to the capital in Rukhabat (in Akhal province).</p><p>Here are some of the videos that ordinary citizens circulated in the days following the explosion, forcing the Turkmen authorities to recognize at least part of the reality of what had happened.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/premiere-guerre-linformation-20-au-turkmenistan" title="Première guerre de l&#039;information 2.0 au Turkménistan" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Thu, 15 Nov 2012 15:52:10 +0000 gestion-abri 67 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Irony in Iran: Ayatollah Khomeini censored by his own followers https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/irony-iran-ayatollah-khomeini-censored-his-own-followers <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/iran-0" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Iran</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>It is a fanciful story that testifies to the irony of history.&nbsp;On 1 February 1979, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini set foot in Iran for the first time after spending 14 years in exile. In his first public speech, which he gave on the same day in the Beheshte Zahra cemetery south of Tehran, Khomeini branded the government of the Shah and Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar “illegal”, since they had not been elected by the people.</p><blockquote><p>The government and parliament are not democratic: there is no participation by the people. Did you vote for the present government? Did you elect the members of Parliament? Do you know who they are? Did you elect them? Are they your representatives? Or did they come to power by force? A parliament appointed without the assent of the people is not a legitimate parliament.</p></blockquote> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>In a strange shift in perspective 30 years after Khomeini’s speech, the Iranian people appeared to put his advice into practice, calling for the removal of a government they regarded as illegitimate. On 13 June 2009, huge demonstrations took place in Tehran in protest against the results of the presidential election giving Mahmoud Ahmedinejad another term in office. Opponents said he was re-elected only thanks to large-scale electoral fraud. If it had not been for such vote-rigging, his main rival, Mir Hossein Mousavi, would have won, they said. Demonstrations continued for several months in the face of the Iranian authorities’ refusal to review the results of the ballot. In response to the wave of protests, the government closed Tehran University, blocked access to several websites and banned demonstrations. Three years later, Ahmedinejad is still president and Mousavi is under house arrest.</p><p>The Iranian government has a selective memory. After the shah’s overthrow, Khomeini set up the present Islamic Republic and for 10 years occupied the post of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supreme_Leader_of_Iran">Supreme Leader</a>. His historic speech has now been censored in the Islamic republic that he created and led. Indeed, although the speech is easily accessible on the Internet, it is nonetheless strangely absent from <a href="http://www.irdc.ir/en/default.aspx">Iran’s official archives</a>. This is not surprising, since it asserted the sovereignty of the people, which had been treated with contempt at the time of the 2009 demonstrations whose main slogan was “Where is my vote?”</p><blockquote><p>The people are sovereign and masters of their fate, so their choice must be respected. But by what right are those who cast their votes 50 years ago able to determine the fate and future of the present generation? The fate of each generation is in its own hands.</p></blockquote><p>Below we present a new transcription of the first 40 minutes of Khomeini’s speech.</p><blockquote><p>We have endured many misfortunes, the misfortune of women who have lost their husbands, the misfortune of men who have lost their children and the misfortune of children who have lost their fathers. When I see these children, my heart is heavy. I offer my condolences to their families and to the people. We have made so many sacrifices. And for what? What have the Iranian people done to deserve this? Since the start of his reign, the Shah has violated the law. Those who are the same age as I am have seen the constitutional parliament subjugated by bayonets. The people played no part in the constituent assembly. Members were forced to elect the Shah (Khomeini was referring to the 1925 coup by Reza Shah, his assumption of power and the creation of the Pahlavi dynasty). From the start, this monarchy has been without foundations. From the start, it has acted against the law and in the face of wisdom, and has always been contrary to human rights.</p><p>But let us admit that the people cast their votes for the Shah. The people are sovereign and masters of their fate, so their choice must be respected. But by what right are those who cast their votes 50 years ago able to determine the fate and future of the present generation? The fate of each generation is in its own hands.</p><p>We were not there in the days of Mohammad Shah Qajar (the first shah of the Qajar dynasty who ruled Iran from 1786 to 1797). Supposing Qajar’s rule to be legitimate and he was elected by the people, it would have been our great-great-grandparents who voted for the Qajar monarchy. What right would they have to choose a monarch for us? The destiny of each generation is in its own hands. One hundred years ago, it was a different people, a different generation with other preoccupations. These people had rights, of course, but our fate was not their responsibility, so they could not arrogate our rights for themselves. Let us suppose that the Pahlavi government was legitimate, that it was elected by the people. Let us suppose, too, that the assembly was elected by the people. Those people voted for Reza Shah as their monarch, but only in their time. The Iranian people of that time may have voted for Reza Shah as their ruler, but what right did that give them to decide that Mohamed Reza Pahlavi would be our ruler today? The Reza Shah monarchy was not legal and neither is that of his son. Even if it were legal, that would not give them the right at that time to decide our fate. Everyone has their fate in their own hands. Were the people one hundred years ago in a position to decide the fate of the people today? This is one of the reasons why the rule of Mohamed Reza Pahlavi is not legitimate. Today, the people say they do not want this man to rule them and would prefer to decide their own fate.</p><p>The government and parliament are not democratic: there is no participation by the people. Did you vote for the present government? Did you elect the members of Parliament? Do you know who they are? Did you elect them? Are they your representatives? Or did they come to power by force? A parliament appointed without the assent of the people is not a legitimate parliament. Those people, members of parliament, have no right to be paid since they are not there in the name of the people. A government appointed by the Shah, a Shah who is himself illegal as was his father before him, cannot be legitimate. Nor are the members of parliament. This government is illegal. We do not want this monarchy. It is the people who say these members of parliament are not legitimate. This government is unauthorized and unlawful. Can anything decreed by an unlawful monarch, or passed by an illegal parliament, be described as legal? No, it is illegal.</p><p>We say you are not legitimate and you must go. To this government which claims to be legitimate we say: no, you are not legitimate. Mr. Bakhtiar, who said five years ago that the Shah’s government was illegal (Shahpour Bakhtiar belonged to those who opposed the Shah before he was appointed by the monarch to try to calm the popular uprising), what is he doing now? The member of parliament who is asked “are you legitimate?” and replies yes, I have been elected by the people, let us take him to his village and ask its residents whether they voted for him. The reply would be “no”. This parliament is not legal. Ask its members: are you legitimate?</p><p>Land reform was launched -- people were serfs and the intention was to turn them into farmers (Khomeini is referring to land reform begun by the Shah in 1962). All they managed to achieve was the destruction of agriculture in Iran. Now you, the people, are entirely dependent on foreign imports. The Shah did this so that Iran became dependent on the United States, so that the United States would have new markets for its economy. That is why we import wheat, rice, everything, even eggs, from the United States or Israel, which is under the protection of the United States. What the Shah did under the pretext of reform was in reality corrupt. Land reform was a huge failure for the country. In 20 years’ time we will still be suffering the consequences of what he did.</p><p>They held us back culturally. The education of our young people was lacking and they were forced to go abroad to study because of the hardships here. It is 50 years since university education was established in Iran but it has not been developed properly. This gentleman (Mohammed Reza Shah) stunted the country’s driving forces by making himself a lackey of others (the Americans and the West). He created centres of perversion, and television is at the heart of this perversion. Most radio programs are perverted. All cultural activities that were authorized during his reign violated morality. In Tehran these days, there are more drinking places than bookshops. There are other centres of perversion, such as the cinema. We are not against the cinema as such, but 3 we are against pornography. We are not against radio. We are against immorality. We are not against television. We are against perversion. We are against all that foreigners do to hold us back and to manipulate our young people. We are not against modernity.</p><p>When have we ever said anything against modernity? When it arrives in the east, in Iran in particular, it leads us into savagery instead of bringing modernisation. The cinema is a characteristic of modernity but it should be used to serve the people. But the cinema has fostered immorality and perversion among the young, and that is what we object to. The government has let the people down. Mr. Bakhtiar, his government and his parliament are not legitimate. If they carry on in this manner, we shall judge them and find them guilty, and I shall appoint a government with the support of the people.</p><p>I shall get rid of this government. With the support of the people I shall appoint a new government. The people have accepted me, whereas this gentlemen (the prime minister), does not accept himself, nor is he accepted by his friends, the people or the armed forces. Only the United States accepts and supports him.</p><p>The people do not accept him. There are thugs in the streets, but the people are here (there had been demonstrations in support of Bakhtiar shortly before Khomeini’s arrival). We cannot have two governments in the country (a reference to a speech by Bakhtiar in which he chastised Khomeini: “You can return to Iran but not as head of the government since there cannot be two governments”). It is the illegal government that must go. You are the one who is illegal. Our government is based on the people’s vote and is supported by God. If you want to maintain your government, you must deny both God and the people. You are not in a good position, you act on the orders of the United States.</p><p>Mr Bakhtiar has rallied thugs to massacre the people. We shall not allow the Shah to return and carry on with his crimes and injustices. We shall not allow Mohamed Reza Pahlavi back into the country this time (a reference to the 1953 coup and the week the Shah was forced to spend in exile). Those people want him back. Beware, they are up to something. This little man wants a return to the old tyranny. He is giving our soul and our wealth to the United States. We shall not let him. That is our duty. I ask God to grant you health and prosperity, for it is our duty to carry on this movement until the government is overthrown. Afterwards we shall form a constituent assembly, the people will vote and the provisional government will give way to a legitimate government.</p><p>I wish to give some advice to the armed forces, and to thank a section of the military. My advice is: stay independent. We have given our blood, we have given all that we had. Many people, colleagues (mullahs), have been imprisoned and tortured. We want our army to be independent. Army generals, don’t you want to be independent? Or do 4 you prefer to be a lackey? Listen to me and join the people. We want independence. We say the armed forces should be independent and what is your response? You attack our young people in the streets and spill their blood (a reference to the crackdown by the Bakhtiar government). We want you to be your own masters. I thank the sections of the military that have joined the people. Those who have joined the people have upheld their honour and that of their country. I thank the officers of the air force, and the pilots and lower ranks, who have joined the people. I thank those in several cities, such as Hamadan and Isfahan (where there were many defections from the armed forces to the Khomeini camp) among others, who have joined the people. We thank those who have supported the Islamic movement. To those who have not joined the people, we say: “Come and join us.” It is better to choose Islam than apostasy. It is better to choose your own people than foreigners. We tell you this for you own good. Do not fear that if you join us you will be arrested and executed. That is propaganda. All the air force pilots who have joined the people have been welcomed with open arms and kindness. We want the country to be strong. We want it to have real military. We do not wish to change the government but we want a government that has the support of the people. And the armed forces must be in the service of the people. We do not want a government that is subservient to the United States and directed from abroad.</p></blockquote><p>This is a freely translated transcription of Khomeini’s speech. Any assistance in improving it will be welcome.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/comble-en-iran-layatollah-khomeini-censure-ses-propres-disciples" title="Un comble en Iran : l’Ayatollah Khomeini censuré par ses propres “disciples”" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Wed, 07 Nov 2012 14:32:06 +0000 gregoire.pouget 46 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org Dark September 2001: Eritrea shuts down private press https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/dark-september-2001-eritrea-shuts-down-private-press <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/eritrea" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Eritrea</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even">On 18 September 2001, with world attention still dominated by the September 11 attacks in New York and Washington, the Eritrean government seized the moment to move decisively toward totalitarian control. President Isaias Afeworki ordered the internal security agency into action against the reformist wing of the ruling party, which had been demanding democratic reforms. Influential ministers and generals, former companions in arms of the onetime hero of the liberation war against Ethiopia, were thrown into prison.</div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>Overnight, this country in the Horn of Africa became one of very few in the world without private media. The handful of independent newspapers in the capital city of Asmara – <em>Setit, Meqaleh, Keste Debena, Xemen, Tsigenay</em> – were closed. Owners and top editors were arrested. Along with hundreds of political and military figures, 11 journalists were caught in raids or gave themselves up. They were all incarcerated, some of them in underground cells.</p> <p>Among them were two cofounders of Setit, one of the country’s most influential dailies: poet, playwright and theatre director <strong>Fessehaye “Joshua” Yohannes,</strong> and the celebrated Swedish-Eritrean poet and journalist <strong>Dawit Isaac</strong>. Yohannes, unable to bear the inhuman conditions of imprisonment, committed suicide in his cell in 2003. Isaac remains in solitary confinement – 11 years after his arrest – without ever having gone to trial.</p> <p>And so Eritrea became Africa’s biggest prison for journalists, with at least 30 of them kept behind bars.</p> <p>In the wake of the September 2001 onslaught, all criticism of the regime has been sanctioned as “national security threat.” The country’s media are reduced to official organs, relaying the government’s belligerent and ultranationalist rhetoric. Under the tight control of Information Minister Ali Abdu, himself under orders of all-powerful president Afeworki, the employees of Eri-TV public television, of radio Dimtsi Hafash (Voice of the Masses), and of Hadas Eritrea function as no more than zealous government propagandists.</p> <p>In opposition to this relentless censorship, which deprives the Eritrean people of their right to reliable, balanced and independent news, exiled Eritrean journalists have launched Radio Erena (Our Eritrea). Based in Paris, supported by Reporters Without Borders, the stateion broadcasts daily over the air, as well as by internet for the country’s diaspora. It has become the only source of independent news in the national language for Eritreans who remain in their country.</p> <p>The documents published here include: An article from one of the last editions of Setit; The government communiqué of 19 September 200, published in the official daily, Hadas Eritrea, announcing suspension of the privately owned press “pending further order.”</p> <p>In this downloadable mp3 file, hear Biniam Simon, Radio Erena editor in chief, reading the government communiqué of 19 September 2001 published in Hadas Eritrea, announcing the suspension of the private press “pending further order.”</p> <p><audio tabindex="0" controls="controls" preload="auto"><source src="sites/default/files/medias/audios/tezekrotatsetitcomp170912.mp3" /><source src="sites/default/files/tezekrotatsetitcomp170912.ogg" /> </audio></p> <blockquote> <h3>TEMPORARY BAN ON PRIVATE NEWSPAPERS</h3> <p>Private newspapers have shown opposition towards the country's and press laws. They have also rejected repeated reminders and opportunity to operate within the law. As a result, the Eritrean government has decided that they are to temporarily stop operation as of 18 September 2001. The Eritrean government recognises the importance of a free and responsible press in the development of our country. In order to encourage the progress of the press, it had issued licences which included licences issued to newspapers that failed to meet the criteria set by press law. However, private newspapers have failed to abide by the press law. They have breached regulations and have remained in circulation while challenging the benefits and unity of the nation. This experience does not encourage a productive and advanced press culture. Instead, it misleads and ruins the long term development of press in our country. The Eritrean government has given encouragement and shown great tolerance in hope that private newspapers, in time and with experience would adhere to the law and press code of conduct and develop it into a platform for information, views and dialogue. Ignoring such a positive ambition and tolerance has not been of any benefit. Although our country has been through such a discouraging experience, the Eritrean government is still devoted to the development of free, responsible and powerful press. As a result, it will review past experience and issue licences to newspapers that adhere to press law.</p> <p><cite title="source">NEW ERITREA</cite><br /><cite title="issue">11th Year No. 13</cite><br /><cite title="date">Wednesday 19 September 2001</cite></p> </blockquote> <blockquote> <h3>MINISTER PETROS EXPRESSES HIS WISH TO NOT BE ELECTED FOR ANY POLITICAL POST IN FUTURE GOVERNMENT</h3> <p>During an interview with Setit Newspaper, Minister of Fish Resources Mr Petros Solomon stated "I do not wish to be elected or become a candidate for a political post in the future government." Mr Petros also stated that he is prepared to defend and serve his country whenever needed. He explained that the article mentioned is about achieving a secure future and transitional route towards a permanent government and not about individual gains. His answer to a question about the cause of current differences was "This view has no association with the 3rd attack." He explains the existence of the process of taking action in time, introducing a proactive system of operation, liberty and some level of control over judges and law makers in past congress meetings. Mr Petros also mentioned the decrease in the number of official government meetings. [TEXT MISSING] He states "... the way we handled the peace process was not satisfactory. This is where the questions and views reappear.’ Mr Petros explained that all will share the burden of past mistakes equally. "We will not cleanse ourselves from fault and blame others." Mr Petros concluded by stating that there is no problem that can't be solved and explained "it's denying the existence of problems, the inability to solve it and lack of tolerance". He continued to express his hope by saying "I urge the President to call and conduct a meeting to resolve this matter ". Detailed content on page 3</p> <p><cite>Setit</cite><br /><cite title="date">Friday 8 June 2001</cite></p> </blockquote> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/maudit-septembre-2001-quand-lerythree-suspend-sa-presse-privee" title="Maudit septembre 2001 : quand l&#039;Erythrée &quot;suspend&quot; sa presse privée" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Wed, 24 Oct 2012 16:40:26 +0000 gestion-abri 45 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org De Cuba, first and only independent magazine in Cuba https://www.wefightcensorship.org/censored/cuba-first-and-only-independent-magazine-cuba <div id="node-field-pays" class="field field-name-field-pays field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/geo-zone/cuba" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Cuba</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-thematique" class="field field-name-field-thematique field-type-taxonomy-term-reference field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"><a href="/themes/politics-and-securtiy" typeof="skos:Concept" property="rdfs:label skos:prefLabel">Politics and Security</a></div> </div> </div> <div id="node-field-chapeau" class="field field-name-field-chapeau field-type-text-long field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even"> <p>Launched in 2002, De Cuba was the first independant magazine ever created under Fidel Castro's rule. It was revived as a bimonthly in 2002 by Ricardo González Alfonso, who managed to publish two issues before being arrested and sentenced to 20 years in prison on 7 April 2003.</p> </div> </div> </div> <div id="node-body" class="field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item even" property="content:encoded"> <p>During the 1990s, a so-called “Special Period” that included a limited opening-up to the outside world, small independent news agencies emerged and began to circulate news and information outside of the government’s traditional control. A former state TV journalist, González was the joint editor of one of these independent news agencies, called Cuba Press. These new independent journalists could not however print newspapers or magazines as access to printing presses is strictly regulated and individual print publications are illegal.</p><p>González managed to overcome these obstacles and bring out the first issue of De Cuba in December 2002. A substantial, many-paged magazine intended to appear every two months, it had to content itself with being circulated clandestinely within dissident circles. But readers were interested. It tackled subjects ignored by the government media, such as racism in Cuba and the Varela Project, a campaign launched in 2002 by the dissident Oswaldo Payá, a Sakharov Prize laureate, which collected 11,000 signatures to a petition for constitutional amendments aimed at bringing about democratic change. (Payá died in a car crash on 22 July 2012.)</p><p>The combination of the Varela Project and De Cuba was too much for a government that does not readily tolerate protests. A second issue appeared in February 2003 and third was being prepared when the regime finally brought the period of limited freedoms to an end. González was one of the 75 dissidents arrested in the course of the “Black Spring” that began on 18 March 2003. Convicted on charges of spying and “activities against Cuba’s independence and territorial integrity,” he was finally released on 13 July 2010 in exchange for agreeing to go into exile. He now lives in Madrid. Reporters Without Borders is posting the two entire issues of De Cuba.</p> </div> </div> </div> <ul class="links inline"><li class="translation_fr first last"><a href="/fr/censored/cuba-premiere-et-unique-revue-independante-publiee-cuba" title="&quot;De Cuba&quot;, première et unique revue indépendante publiée à Cuba" class="translation-link">Français</a></li> </ul> Thu, 20 Sep 2012 16:09:19 +0000 gregoire.pouget 56 at https://www.wefightcensorship.org